How might America’s religious communities sway election?

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March in front of U.S. Capitol building in Washington D.C.

In the lead-up to the 2024 elections, white Christian nationalists and “MAGA evangelicals” are sucking up a lot of the air in the religion media space.

And for good reason. As Tobin Miller Shearer of the University of Montana wrote for The Conversation: 

In the 2016 race, evangelical voters contributed, in part, to Republican nominee Donald Trump’s victory. Those Americans who identified as “weekly churchgoers” not only showed up at the polls in large numbers, but more than 55% of them supported Trump. His capture of 66% of the white evangelical vote also tipped the scales in his favor against his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton.

Evangelicals look set to support the former president in outsized numbers again — with a Pew Research Survey indicating 82% of white evangelical Protestants are likely to vote for Trump in November — and a significant “subset of Christian nationalists, which some suggest amounts to roughly 10% of the US population,” are rallying around him as they push “for Christianity to be the official, dominant religion of the US.”

But religious Americans from other backgrounds and traditions, such as Catholics, mainliners and Black Protestants — whom Bob Smietana and Jack Jenkins of RNS called “swing state faith voters” — could also prove critical to electoral victory due to their influence in key swing states. 

In this edition of ReligionLink, we offer a roundup of stories, perspectives and sources from a broad swath of faith constituencies around the U.S., addressing questions such as: How might Hindus be approaching local and state elections? How might Muslims in swing states prove decisive for the Electoral College? How might the nonreligious approach key ballot issues differently from others? 

The survey says ...

In many ways, polling suggests the same old story for how religious voting blocs are lining up behind the candidates for president. As reported by Pew Research Center:

Heading into the fall campaign for president, U.S. religious groups that traditionally have leaned Republican are backing former President Donald Trump by wide margins, while religious groups that traditionally have favored Democratic candidates are mostly supporting Vice President Kamala Harris.

Support for Trump is particularly strong among white Christians in the U.S., with 82% of white evangelical Protestants, 61% of white Catholics and 58% of white nonevangelicals saying they support his candidacy, as of the end of August.

Harris polls better among a range of other, smaller religious constituencies, including Black Protestants (86%), atheists (85%), Hispanic Catholics (65%) and Jewish voters (65%).

Meanwhile, a Deseret News/HarrisX poll found in August that 51% of Christians would vote for Trump and just 41% would vote for Harris. Still, it matters what “kind” of Christian you are. The same poll found that evangelical Protestants — regardless of race — broke down 68% for Trump vs. 30% for Harris, but that Harris is more popular among nonevangelical Protestants (37% for Trump vs. 55% for Harris). In addition, the research also intimated that Catholics are split between the two candidates, with 46%  supporting Trump and 46% saying for Harris.

Beyond these numbers, other polling suggests smaller voting blocs may yet prove influential in key swing states. In 2020, Joe Biden attained Electoral College success by narrowly capturing specific swing states. In 2024, swing states such as Michigan, Pennsylvania and Arizona are again on the line. And although Muslims account for only 1% of the U.S. population, Muslim Americans make up a significant bloc that could sway the election one way or another in several swing states.

One study published by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding in partnership with Emgage and Change Research, based on a June/July (before Biden left the race) survey in Georgia, Pennsylvania and Michigan showed a significant drop (more than 50 percentage points) in support for Democratic candidates, largely related to the president’s — and the party’s — handling of the war in Gaza.

A September poll from the Council on American-Islamic Relations focused on the presidential race, including a broader range of candidates in their survey. That survey showed that just 29.4% of U.S. Muslims plan to vote for Harris, who is effectively tied with Jill Stein of the Green Party, who garners 29.1% support. Trump trailed in third with 11.2%, followed by Cornel West of the People’s Party with 4.2% and the Libertarians’ Chase Oliver with less than 1% support. Significantly, 16.5% of respondents remain undecided.

In battleground states, Stein leads Harris in Arizona (35%), Michigan (40%) and Wisconsin (44%), while Harris leads in Georgia (43%) and Pennsylvania (37%). Trump’s highest support is in Nevada (27%), which just pips Harris at 26%. But he also has more support among Muslims in Michigan (18%) than does Harris (12%).

Those percentages, while slim, may decide the presidency come November, with votes in the thousands directing the Electoral College count in one way or the other.

Tips and suggestions for coverage

But beyond the numbers, it is important to remember a range of factors when covering religion factors in the upcoming elections. As mentioned in the Reporting Guide on Faith and Politics:

… if you’ve ever taken a survey you know: it’s difficult to fit your complex, deeply personal beliefs into one of the multiple choice answers. Knowing how religious groups tend to vote or which issues they claim to care about will help you know what to ask about, and to recognize outliers. But to avoid simply reenforcing divisions on the issues that divide us most, ask follow-up questions to understand the why. Don’t assume that two religious voters who voted for the same candidate did so for the same reason, ask open ended questions that will get them talking, and listen for nuance. Repeat that nuance back to them to ask them to say more. Make sure you’re seeing the whole person, not just a representative of the religious group.

Here are a few additional tips and suggestions for taking your reporting deeper, making it more nuanced and including a wider range of perspectives:

  • Religion not the only identity marker that matters – Over the last 80 or so years, pollsters have shown that the link connecting religion, race and voting patterns is particularly powerful — and increasingly so. Researchers can predict voting behavior based on religion and racial identifications with significant accuracy. At the same time, a host of other factors need always be taken into consideration: Gender, socioeconomic class, geographic location, issues-based behaviors and other identifiers should be incorporated into your reporting.
  • No one bloc, no one organization – As the above numbers make clear, it is all but impossible to generalize when it comes to religious voting blocs. There is no “evangelical vote” or “Muslim vote.” Nor is there any one organization that can speak for such blocs. Thus, it is vital to get at multiple sides to each storyline, talking to voters of faith on multiple sides of an issue. Take, for example, the polling numbers about Muslim voters in swing states. Their divided support for a range of candidates based largely on one issue (Gaza), but involving others (e.g., the economy, education and immigration), speaks to the necessity of nuanced takes on where voters’ values are coming from and who they are supporting in elections — and why.
  • Look for unlikely coalitions – When interfaith groups or coalitions form around an issue, ask them to talk about both their similarities and their differences. “We disagree on Jesus, but we agree on health care.” Same when you find religious groups committing to bridge political differences. “We disagree about the southern border, but our shared Muslim faith values caring for the poor.” By showing that faith can lead people to different political positions, and that others can end up in the same place without the same guiding faith, we challenge the discourse that the two-party division in the United States encompasses all of our lives, our identities. Also remember: Members of religious groups don’t just internally differ on politics; sometimes they differ on specific doctrines of their religion. For instance, many Christians do not interpret the Bible literally, but many do. Taking this line complicates the oversimplified notion of two Americas, which when accepted uncritically makes you feel like you’re about to be at war with half the country.
  • Report local – As evidenced by the polling numbers above — specifically those in swing states — it’s more important than ever to go as local as possible with your coverage. While it is helpful to pay attention to national trends and coalitions, try to get to know what’s happening in particular states, counties, cities and small towns across the U.S. Not only does this bring greater breadth to your coverage, but better clarity on the issues that are likely to sway outcomes in November’s elections. Of course, this not only holds true for the national races, but is even more relevant for state gubernatorial elections, legislatures and ballot measures. 
  • Transnational linkages and global communities – At the same time, do not lose sight of transnational linkages and how global communities might impact electoral outcomes. How might the Indian diaspora shape the vote in California? What about Mexican American and other Latino voting constituencies with significant ties to their home nations and countries of heritage? And is there anything to trace in terms of how foreign policy and international politics might sway votes — either incidentally or through interference — one way or the other?

Bahá'is

The religious group least likely to be tipping the scales in one direction or the other are the Bahá’ís. First, in its 2023 annual report, the Bahá’ís’ National Spiritual Assembly reported a total of 177,800 adherents in the U.S., a number unlikely to impact the election one way or another.

But more importantly, Bahá’ís are strictly nonpartisan, neither joining a political party nor campaigning on behalf of anyone running for office (nor running for office themselves at any level, local, state or national). A source shared that while Bahá’ís are asked to be engaged citizens:

… we believe partisanship is inherently divisive, which is in stark opposition to our core principles, in particular, our principle of unity. We are concerned with and engaged with the issues in our community and therefore work towards fostering connections through a spirit of service, and inclusivity in our communities (both the Bahá’í community and the broader community). This means we are aware of the issues of the day and vote accordingly.

In a highly polarized election cycle, divided by multiple markers of identification — including class, race, geography, gender and, of course, religion — Bahá’ís’ nonpartisanship is of particular note. Perhaps there is a story to be told about how Bahá’is vote in local elections or how their support of principles — and not politicians — might be a salve for the current climate of American politics. Otherwise, how might their headquarters in Haifa, Israel, historical ties to Iran or detention and persecution in Yemen play a role in U.S. foreign policy, if at all.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Bahá’í World News Service

    Based at the Bahá’í International Community’s Office of Public Information at the Bahá’í World Centre in Haifa, Israel, the Bahá’í World News Service reports on activities and events that affect the Baha’i Faith and its followers.

  • Bani Dugal

    Bani Dugal is the principal representative of the Bahá’í International Community to the U.N. As part of the community of international nongovernmental organizations at the U.N. since 1994, she is currently serving on the steering committee of the NGO Working Group on the Security Council.

  • Zackery Mirza Heern

    Zackery Mirza Heern is a history professor at Idaho State University with a focus on the Middle East and Islamic studies. His research and teaching interests include the Bahá’í, Shi‘ism, Iraq, Iran, Islamic movements and global history.

  • U.S. Baha’i Office of Public Affairs

    Founded in 1985, the U.S. Baha’i Office of Public Affairs represents the American Baha’i community in its collaborations with individuals, organizations and institutions, as well as its relationships with media, government and the broader public. The office operates under the auspices of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha’is of the United States, the elected governing body of the American Baha’i community. The Baha’i national headquarters for the United States is in Evanston, Illinois; the public affairs office is in Washington, D.C. Media contact is Rachel Wolfe.

Buddhists

In a thread on Quora, a Buddhist practitioner asked who Siddhārtha Gautama (the historical Buddha) would vote for if he were alive today. On the whole, respondents agreed he would join the millions of Americans who stay home and do not vote at all.

Despite Quora conversations and a general assumption that Buddhists are apolitical, politics has always been part of Buddhism. According to political scientist Matthew J. Moore, “Buddhism has both influenced governments and been identified by governments as a source of their authority and legitimacy.”

In the U.S., that political presence has been less potent. Only three Buddhists have ever been elected to Congress, including Mazie Hirono and Hank Johnson — both elected in 2007 — and Colleen Hanabusa of Hawaii.

But as the U.S. electorate continues to diversify, it is important to watch trends among its Buddhist populace. Analyzing results from the 2020 elections, for example, political scientist Ryan Burge noticed a distinct trend among voting Buddhists. He wrote:

In 2008, McCain had a very poor showing, only receiving 8% of the Buddhist vote compared to Obama’s 86%. In 2012, Romney did only slightly better, getting to 12%. However, Donald Trump did noticeably better in both of his campaigns. In 2016, one in five Buddhists voted for the Republican, although that was only slightly better than the third party support. Then Trump built on his 2016 numbers in his matchup with Biden – nearly a quarter of all Buddhists wanted Trump to get a second term. From 8% in 2008 to 23% in 2020 – that’s a trend to watch.

Even so, according to the Pew Research Center, more than two-thirds of American Buddhists “lean Democrat,” while only 16% lean Republican and an equal number are undecided. How they will vote in 2024 is left to be determined and — along with what issues move them in one direction or another — will be a trend to watch.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Bill Aiken

    Bill Aiken is director of public affairs for Soka Gakkai International-USA, an American Buddhist association based in Santa Monica, California, that opposed the “Houses of Worship Free Speech Restoration Act of 2005.”

    Contact: 202-338-1750.

  • Janet Gyatso

    Janet Gyatso is a specialist in Buddhist studies and author of multiple books, including Being Human in a Buddhist World: An Intellectual History of Medicine in Early Modern Tibet (2015).

  • Chenxing Han

    Chenxing Han is the author of Be the Refuge: Raising the Voices of Asian American Buddhists and studied chaplaincy at the Institute of Buddhist Studies in Berkeley, California. Contact Han via her website, or her publisher’s email is [email protected].

  • Matthew J. Moore

    Matthew J. Moore is a political scientist at Cal Poly University in Pomona, California. He has published a series of works on Buddhism in political perspective, including Buddhism and Political Theory; “Buddhism, Mindfulness, and Transformative Politics,” New Political Science; and “Buddhism and International Law” in Comparative Political Theory in Time and Place.

Catholics

According to RNS’ Thomas Reese, the United States’ nearly 62 million Catholics could (again) decide the election, as 9.7 million of these Catholics (including children) live in seven key battleground states. It makes sense, then, that back in June, Reese wrote in the National Catholic Reporter:

Catholics are a significant voting bloc, almost evenly divided among Republicans and Democrats (though white Catholics tend to be Republican and Hispanic Catholics Democrats). Because they reside in significant numbers in battleground states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Nevada, they have all the more power to decide who will be the next president.

All these demographic facts make Catholics a good weathervane, and indeed they tend to vote for the winner in presidential elections. If you win Catholics, you probably win the country.

Right now, it seems as if Trump has the edge on Harris. A September Pew Research Center poll found that 52% of registered voters who identify as Catholic say they support Trump, while 47% say they back Harris. Among white Catholics that advantage is even more pronounced, with 61%  saying they would vote for Trump if the election were held today and 38% saying the same about Harris. But for Latino Catholics, the results shift, with 65% saying they would vote for Harris and 34% saying they support Trump.

At the same time, a poll by the conservative Catholic Eternal Word Television Network and RealClear Opinion Research found Catholics favoring Harris at 50% over Trump at 43%. That same poll showed female Catholics favor Harris by 56% to Trump’s 37%. This tracks with other polling that shows significant gender gaps in 2024, especially related to reproductive rights.

The variations and deviations from the past require nuanced reporting that delves into local issues. How might issues of social conscience, race, gender or economic class be influencing Catholics to vote one way or another? And how might there be a divide between Catholic leadership in the country, which tends to be conservative, and its laity? How do these differences play out differently among Catholics than among other religious constituencies in America?

Related media

Relevant sources

Hindus

Concentrations of Indian Americans in swing states are on the rise. From 2010-2020, the Indian American population more than doubled in key battleground states. And with generally high turnout, Indian American votes are starting to matter now more than ever, wrote Monjorika Bose for Firstpost.

The results are already telling at the top of American politics. Five Indian Indian Americans currently serve in Congress. Usha Vance, the wife of Ohio Senator and GOP vice presidential nominee JD Vance, also brings an Indian American perspective to a major party ticket after two prominent 2024 Republican primary candidates, Nikki Haley and Vivek Ramaswamy, also of Indian descent, failed in their bids for the White House.

Among Indian Americans, Bose said Hindus are becoming a particularly prized ingredient in the makeup of any successful election campaign. That importance is highlighted when one considers that Kamala Harris is the daughter of an Indian Hindu and her first name bears some significance in Hindu mythology, associated with Sri Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, fortune and prosperity. The result has been an uptick of interest among Hindu Americans in the U.S.

But beyond the allusions and associations, Hindu votes matter. Concerned about class-discrimination laws in California, Hindu nationalism at home and abroad and the economy, they have remained a solidly reliable Democratic voting bloc. But that advantage is slipping. In the Asian American Voter Survey, the number of Indian Americans who identify as Democrats fell from 54% in 2020 to 47% in 2024, while those identifying with the Republican Party rose from 16% to 21%.

Sensing the shift, Trump has sought to benefit from India’s Hindu nationalist Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent trips to the U.S. In 2019, Trump called Modi a “true friend” at a joint rally in Houston that attracted more than 50,000 people. Trump also met with Modi on his trip in September 2024. But the buddy-buddy sentiment between the two has not wielded particular results, with just 29% of Indian Americans saying they intend to vote for Trump — largely the same amount as four years ago — according to the Asian American Voter Survey.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Coalition of Hindus of North America

    The Coalition of Hindus of North America is an advocacy group whose stated goal is to protect, preserve and educate the public about Hindu heritage and tradition.

  • Hindu American Foundation

    The Hindu American Foundation is an advocacy organization for the Hindu American community. The foundation educates the public about Hinduism, speaks out about issues affecting Hindus worldwide and builds bridges with institutions and individuals whose work aligns with HAF’s objectives. HAF focuses on human and civil rights, public policy, media, academia and interfaith relations. It is based in Washington, D.C.

  • Sadhana

    Sadhana is a progressive Hindu advocacy organization based in New York City.

  • Tahil Sharma

    Tahil Sharma is an interfaith activist based in Los Angeles who was born to a Hindu father and a Sikh mother. After the Oak Creek, Wisconsin, shooting at a Sikh temple in 2012, Sharma became involved in efforts for interfaith literacy and social justice and has been doing this work professionally for the past seven years. Sharma serves as one of three interfaith ministers in residence for the Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles and as the Los Angeles coordinator for Sadhana: A Coalition of Progressive Hindus. Sharma also serves various organizations in different capacities to educate, engage and serve various communities that promote interfaith cooperation and ethical pluralism and social and productive norms in society. Contact through the website or by direct email.

  • Sunita Viswanath

    Sunita Viswanath is co-founder and board member of Hindus for Human Rights, Women for Afghan Women and Sadhana: Coalition of Progressive Hindus.

Jews

Though there has been some speculation that American Jews are “losing their long-standing political home in the Democratic Party,” polling seems to suggest Democrats still hold a clear advantage among Jewish voters in the U.S.

Multiple polls, including those by Pew Research Center, show support for Harris hovering between tw0-thirds and three-fourths of the Jewish community, between 65% and 72%. Though those numbers are lower than in the past, another survey, by the Jewish Democratic Council of America, showed that 87% of American Jewish voters support the Biden administration’s efforts to reach a cease-fire in the Israel-Hamas war that would see the release of the hostages being held in Gaza. And this, more than anything else, might decide how undecided voters might make up the margins come November.

As reported by Matthew Kassel at the Jewish Insider:

The Trump campaign has been courting disaffected Jewish voters turned off by the Democratic Party’s far-left flank and its approach to the Israel-Hamas war, but the former president’s criticism of Jewish Democrats and his associations with antisemitic figures on the far right has threatened to jeopardize that outreach with just under two months until the election.

All in all, it seems Jewish voters will still show up to support the Democratic ticket in a few weeks’ time. But in some states, such as New York, Pennsylvania or Florida, where the number of Jewish voters is higher — and some have shown a tick toward support for Trump — there might be some surprises in the percentage breakdowns.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Ammiel Hirsch

    Ammiel Hirsch is the senior rabbi of Stephen Wise Free Synagogue in New York City. The Jerusalem Post named him among “The 50 Most Influential Jews of the Year.” City & State praised him as “the borough’s most influential voice” for Manhattan’s more than 300,000 Jews and The New York Observer named him among “New York’s Most Influential Religious Leaders.” His sermons are regularly broadcast on JBS-TV and he is the host of the biweekly podcast “In These Times with Rabbi Ammi Hirsch.”

  • Arie Perliger

    Arie Perliger is a security studies professor at the University of Massachusetts Lowell. His research interests include political violence and extremism.

  • Mira Rivera

    Mira Rivera is associate rabbi and director of pastoral care at Romemu in New York City. She serves as a rabbi and mentor at Ammud: the Jews of Color Torah Academy and actively supports LUNAR: the Asian-Jewish Film Project.  She has co-chaired the rabbinical council of Jews for Racial and Economic Justice and continues to be part of the JOC Caucus.

  • Herbert Weisberg

    Herbert Weisberg is an emeritus professor of political science at the Ohio State University. He has written a number of books, including The Politics of American Jews.

Latter-day Saints

We are all looking for that one demographic that might “swing” the election. But what if Latter-day Saints are the ones to really watch out for in 2024?

According to multiple outlets (see below), Latter-day Saint voters in Arizona may be the key to electoral victory in the Southwestern swing state. The historically conservative voting bloc has been tepid about Trump over the last eight years, and polling by Y2 Analytics showed Biden doubled his support among Latter-day Saints (18% compared with Hillary Clinton’s 9%) in Arizona back in 2020.

Such is the potential of Latter-day Saint voters spoiling Arizona as a red state come election night that the Harris-Walz campaign unveiled a “Latter-day Saint advisory committee” there in mid-September.

But as reported by Samuel Benson at Deseret News: 

It is difficult to know how U.S. Latter-day Saints across the country feel about their 2024 options. Because Latter-day Saints only make up 2% of the U.S. population, they rarely make up a statistically significant sample in nationwide surveys. But enough data exists to suggest that Latter-day Saints could be undergoing a political shift: in one survey, conducted by the American Enterprise Institute’s Survey Center on American Life, they were more likely than any other U.S. religious group to say neither political party represents their views. In another, Latter-day Saints were the faith group “most resilient to political division and polarization.”

If 2024 sees more Latter-day Saints lean Democrat, it could crack the Mountain West open in future elections, putting historically strong Latter-day Saint states such as Utah, Idaho and Wyoming into play in years to come.

Related media

Relevant sources

Muslims

As reported by multiple media outlets, the ongoing war in Gaza has galvanized the estimated 3.5 million Muslims in the U.S. Traditionally Democratic, Muslim voters feel torn between multiple candidates, unhappy with both Republicans and Democrats, with some opting instead to support third-party candidates such as Cornell West or Jill Stein.

But while Gaza may be the top issue for Muslim voters, it’s important to remember other issues that may sway their choices in the ballot booth.

Local issues, town-level politics and other matters of import to Muslims across the nation — such things as health care, zoning, education, immigration, criminal justice reform or housing discrimination — can also shape their choices and significantly impact state, county and citywide elections.

The media below dig into these storylines, showing the depth and diversity of Muslim American voting preferences, patterns and potential choices come November.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Center of Muslim Experience in the US

    The Center of Muslim Experience in the US, based at Arizona State University and led by Yasmin Saikia and Chad Haines, is a center conducting research about American Muslims and their significant contributions to American society and culture.

  • Council on American-Islamic Relations

    The Council on American-Islamic Relations says it is the largest advocacy group for Muslims in the U.S. It advocates for Muslims on issues related to civil liberties and justice. Contact communications director Ibrahim Hooper in Washington, D.C.

  • Edward E. Curtis IV

    Curtis is a professor of world languages and cultures at Indiana University-Purdue University, Indianapolis, where he teaches courses on Islam and Muslim American studies, among others. He has written numerous books, including Muslim American Politics and the Future of U.S. Democracy, and he edited The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States.

  • Jacqueline Fewkes

    Jacqueline Fewkes is an anthropology professor at the Harriet L. Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University.  She is a cultural anthropologist who has conducted research in many parts of the world, including India, Indonesia, the Maldives, Saudi Arabia and the United States. Recently, she led the American Mosques Project, a study of mosques in the United States including historical, ethnographic and visual data — to learn more about how American civil society has shaped, and been shaped by, the organization and leadership of American mosque communities.

  • Dalia Mogahed

    Dalia Mogahed is a scholar at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding, which specializes in the study of American Muslims. She previously served as ISPU’s director of research and, before that, as executive director of the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies.

     

The 'nones'

Nonreligious voters make up an increasing amount of the U.S. electorate. Since the 1990s, when 90% of the country identified as Christian, more and more Americans are adopting new relationships to religion. Slightly less than half of U.S. adults describe themselves as religious today, with one-third saying they are spiritual but not religious and a further 18% saying they are neither, according to Gallup.

That means nonreligious voters will have more of an impact than ever before. That is good news for Democrats, with 70% of nonreligious voters likely to vote Democrat, according to Pew Research Center. The progressive tilt is even more stark for agnostics (78%) and atheists (84%).

In an in-depth analysis of unaffiliated voters in the U.S., PRRI found such voters are focused on a core set of issues, including reproductive rights, LGTBQ rights, climate change and gun control. Strikingly, 44% of religiously unaffiliated voters responded by saying they will only vote for a candidate who shares their views. Similarly, Pew Research Center found 77% of atheists say abortion is “very important” in voting decisions.

While much of the focus is on religious voters in the U.S. (and we can see why above), the increasing numbers of the unaffiliated in swing states such as Pennsylvania (39%), Wisconsin (36%) and Arizona (33%) suggest the nonreligious vote might mean more this year than pundits expect.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Center for Inquiry

    The Center for Inquiry works to foster a secular society devoted to humanist values and freedom of inquiry. Its public education programs focus on paranormal and fringe science claims; religion, ethics and society; and medicine and health. The center is based in Amherst, New York, and has branches throughout the U.S. and the world. Robyn E. Blumner is president and CEO.

  • Freedom From Religion Foundation

    The Freedom From Religion Foundation is based in Madison, Wisconsin, and has become one of the leading activist groups on the nontheist scene.

  • Secular Coalition for America

    The Secular Coalition for America was founded in 2005 as the “only organization in the nation whose primary purpose is lobbying Congress on behalf of atheists, humanists, freethinkers, and other nontheistic Americans.” The SCA is endorsed and supported by numerous secularist groups.

Protestants

Protestants are a mixed bunch. To the point that, in some ways, it makes little sense to group the assortment of Protestant political persuasions together in this guide. But the point of doing so here is to emphasize the need for reporters to be as clear — and discerning — as possible when it comes to discussing the wide spectrum of Protestant politics in the U.S.

There have been, and will continue to be, historical dividing lines between progressive and fundamentalist strains within American Christianity, as well as stark differences in voting based on race and ethnicity. But as the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the University of Southern California points out:

[in 2024], we are seeing the full spectrum of evangelicals active in the election, from MAGA-vangelicals to Evangelicals for Harris …. Kingdom Christians and Peace and Justice Evangelicals. … It is also important to note that evangelicalism is increasingly diverse, mostly with Latino and Asian representation. The polling category of “white evangelical” obscures this diversity, though the majority of evangelicals across all of our varieties are white and older.

The latter “varieties of evangelicalism,” though fewer in number, are being courted by Democrats this year, alongside more traditional sources of Protestant support (e.g., white mainline Protestants, Black Protestants). And they are seeing some success.

But polling by Lifeway Research (among others) shows “voters with evangelical beliefs are twice as likely to plan to cast their ballot for Trump than Harris (61% v. 31%).” There have also been cracks in traditionally progressive voting blocs, especially among Latino evangelicals.

The bottom line is that, in the end, while white evangelicals seem likely to remain MAGA loyal, a broader range of Protestants are undecided or leaning Democrat in 2024. Whoever is able to court those undecided or in-the-middle voters might be able to crack the 270-vote Electoral College ceiling on Nov. 5.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty

    The Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty is an umbrella organization of 15 Baptist bodies that work to promote religious liberty. They advise member denominations on religious liberties issues. It is based in Washington, D.C. Its executive director is Amanda Tyler, with J. Brent Walker serving as a consultant to the organization.

  • Anthea Butler

    Anthea Butler is the Geraldine R. Segal Professor in American Social Thought and chair of religious studies at the University of Pennsylvania. A historian of African American and American religion, she specializes in the history of Pentecostalism and is the author of White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America.

  • Center for Religion and Civic Culture

    The Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the University of Southern California has a principal focus on the study of religion and immigration and its various manifestations. Richard Flory is executive director, and Megan Sweas is communications director.

  • Christians Against Christian Nationalism

    Christians Against Christian Nationalism is a large group of faith leaders concerned that Christian nationalism presents a persistent threat to both religious communities and democracy. Amanda Tyler of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty is lead organizer. The press contact is Karlee Marshall.

  • Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission

    The Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission is the public policy arm of the Southern Baptist Convention. Hannah Daniel is the commission’s director of public policy.

  • Richard W. Flory

    Richard Flory is a sociologist and executive director of the Center for Religion and Civic Culture at the University of Southern California. He studies religious change, the spiritual practices of young adults and religion in Los Angeles. He is the author of Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism and  The Rise of Network Christianity: How Independent Leaders Are Changing the Religious Landscape.

  • Guthrie Graves-Fitzsimmons

    Guthrie Graves-Fitzsimmons is senior director of policy and advocacy at Interfaith Alliance and the author of Just Faith: Reclaiming Progressive Christianity.

  • Robert P. Jones

    Robert P. Jones is president and founder of Public Religion Research Institute, or PRRI. He has written several books, including White Too Long: The Legacy of White Supremacy in American Christianity, which won a 2021 American Book Award.

  • Kristin Kobes Du Mez

    Kristin Kobes Du Mez is a history and gender studies professor at Calvin University. She wrote Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation.

  • Doug Pagitt

    Doug Pagitt is co-founder and executive director of Vote Common Good, a national political nonprofit that aims to mobilize people of faith to participate in civic life. He is the author of, among several books, Reimagining Spiritual Formation: A Week in the Life of an Experimental Church. Contact via BerlinRosen.

  • Matthew D. Taylor

    Matthew D. Taylor is a senior scholar at the Institute for Islamic, Christian and Jewish Studies, where he specializes in Muslim-Christian dialogue, evangelical and Pentecostal movements, religious politics in the U.S. and American Islam. Media inquiries should be directed to ICJS’ communications and marketing director, John Rivera.

Sikhs

The Sikh community in Canada and the United Kingdom has long been a political force. But in the U.S., Sikhs’ influence and strength are perhaps less noticeable.

They are, however, politically active. In 2024, the Sikh Coalition has rolled out its Get Out the Vote campaign along with a GOTV Fellowship Program for “high school and undergraduate students to delve into civil rights work within the nonprofit and nonpartisan sphere.”

That civil rights work includes a range of efforts, including human rights causes, especially related to religious freedom and threats facing Sikhs in the U.S., Canada or India. Ahead of a meeting between Biden and Modi, India’s prime minister, in September 2024, senior U.S. officials met with Sikh advocates to discuss some of these themes. And earlier this year in California, Sikhs held a referendum on creating an independent state of Khalistan, “an imagined homeland for some Sikhs who dream of their own nation separate from India,” as reported by NPR’s Sandhya Dirks.

Meanwhile, at the Democratic National Convention, a number of Sikhs were noted in the crowd voicing their support for Harris, and Harmeet Kaur Dhillon offered a prayer at the rival Republican National Convention.

There are more than 25 million Sikhs around the world, which makes Sikhi (also known as Sikhism) the fifth-largest major world religion. There are an estimated half a million Sikhs in America, with the largest communities concentrated in California, New York and New Jersey. There are around 300 Sikh places of worship (gurdwaras) in the U.S., the first of which was founded in 1912 in Stockton, California.

Related media

Relevant sources

  • American Sikh Council

    The American Sikh Council represents the collective view of Sikhs in the United States and works to promote Sikh interests at the national and international levels, focusing on issues of advocacy, education and well-being of humankind. Currently 71 gurdwaras and other Sikh institutions across the nation are members of ASC.

  • Sikh American Legal Defense and Education Fund

    The Sikh American Legal Defense and Education Fund is the oldest Sikh American civil rights, advocacy and educational organization. SALDEF works to empower Sikh Americans through advocacy, education and media relations.

  • Sikh Coalition

    The Sikh Coalition in New York is an advocacy group established by several Sikh groups across the United States after the 9/11 attacks to help protect Sikh civil rights.

  • Jatinder Singh

    Jatinder Singh is a Sikh advocate and activist, with a particular focus on calling attention to the historical and present persecution of Sikhs worldwide.